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1137199

©ENEALOGY COLLECTION

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RUPERT, VT.

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LIBRARY.

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 01100 2679

THE EARLY

HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.

AN ADDRESS

DELIVERED I

MUSIC HALL, MANCHESTER, VT..

MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 27, 1875.

LOVELAND MITjnSON,

OF MANCHESTER.

JOURNAL PRINT
MANCHESTER, YT.

18 7 6.

INTRODUCTORY.

1137199

In response to an invitation of many citizens of Man-
chester, the following- address was delivered before the
inhabitants of the town. After its delivery, a resolution
was adopted requesting its publication. That request is
now complied with ; in the hope that the address may, in
a published form, more fully subserve its immediate pur-
pose, and perhaps aid some future laborer in the rich field
of our local history. This review of early times, com-
pressed within the limits of an evening's entertainment,
and published substantially as delivered, is of course but
an incomplete account of the period to which it relates,
and can in no sense supply the want of a town history.
But, although the scope of the work is very limited, every
effort has been made to secure historical accuracy — with
what success future examination and criticism can best
determine. None but those who have tried the task can
fully understand the difficulty of a work of this kind, un-
dertaken at so late a day, and after so long a period of
general apathy on the subject. I had fortunately pre-
served some memoranda of conversations had with the late
Judge Pettibone not long before his death ; and a few
manuscript pages concerning the early history of the town,
evidently prepared in the later years of his life, were

kindly furnished me by his family. The account of Man-
chester written by Henry E. Miner, Esq., fifteen years ago,
and published in the Vermont Quarterly Gazetteer, has pre-
served some traditions which might otherwise have been
lost. I am under obligations to the Hon. E. P. Walton,
of Montpelier, for many valuable suggestions. I am also
indebted for assistance to Ex-Gov. Hall, Hon. R. S. Taft,
H. A. Huse, Esq., State Librarian, James S. Peck, Adju-
tant and Inspector General, and Chauncey Smith, Esq., of
the Post Office Department at Washington.

ADDRESS.

The inhabitants of Manchester have suffered the hun-
dredth anniversary of its organization to pass without
notice. Its second centennial, no one now present can
hope to see. The last survivor of those whose memory
reached back to the early days of the township, has already
passed away. A few decades more, and there will be no
one living who ever heard a tale of the olden times
from the lips of actor or witness. If the matters of local in-
terest, now resting in tradition, are to be given a perma-
nent and reliable form, the work must be done by this
generation. Should these traditions be left to pass into
uncertainty and oblivion, those who come after us will
know little of the early history of their town, beyond what
can be gathered from the public records and the general
history of the state. Of that more interesting portion of
a local history which is seldom written by contemporary
pen, we have already lost too much ; and unless some-
thing is done to gather and [(reserve the fragments that
remain, it will soon be impossible to present anything
like a vivid picture of the Manchester of our fathers. That
task I do not undertake to-night. I shall be content if, in
the use of such material as is convenient to my reach, I
can perform the humbler service of awakening new interest
in the history of our town, to the end that some other and

better historian may be encouraged by your sympathy to
do full justice to the theme.

En August, 1761, two months after the settlement of
Bennington, Governor Wentworth, of New Hampshire,
granted a tract of land six miles square, within the sup-
posed limits of that province, and incorporated it into a
township by the name of Manchester. The original pro-
prietors, residents of ~New Hampshire and Massachusetts,
obtained their grant for purposes of speculation, and
awaited the application of any who might desire to settle
in the township. Their acquisition remained in their
hands without improvement, and probably without inspec-
tion, until some two years after the date of their charter,
when an incident occurred which led to the purchase of
their rights and the speedy settlement of the town.

A party of explorers from Amenia, in Dutchess county,
New York, while visiting the present locality of Salem in
that state, were attracted by the highland to the east, and
turned their steps in that direction to obtain a better
view of the surrounding country. They pursued their
course from summit to summit until they stood upon the
top of a lofty mountain between whose base and the range
beyond was a broad and apparently level valley. De-
scending the mountain side, they gave the valley a closer
examination to ascertain its advantages as a place of
settlement. They returned home with impressions suffi-
ciently favorable to lead to an inquiry after the owners of
the land; and a lew months later Ave rind nearly all the
rights of the original proprietors of Manchester held by
residents of Amenia and vicinity.

The first recorded meeting of the proprietors of the

township was held at Amenia in February, 1764. Samuel
Rose, the pioneer of our settlement, was chosen moderator,
and Jonathan Ormsby, proprietors' clerk. Other meet-
ings were held soon after, at which there seems to have
been considerable difficulty in securing the prompt attend-
ance of the proprietors. On one occasion, it was voted that
any proprietor not present at the hour named for the next
meeting should pay a bowl of punch. It may perhaps be
conjectured that many of the proprietors were behind the
hour, and that too much punch was paid for the good of
the proprietors' clerk ; for he has given us no account what-
ever of the proceedings of that meeting. The space which
was left to receive the record is a blank to this day.

Early in May, 1764, a committee of the proprietors
visited Manchester to lay out the first division of lots.
There was at that time no settlement on the west side of the
mountain north of Arlington. Having ascertained the
boundaries of their township, the committee proceeded to
lay out sixty-eight lots of one hundred acres each, which
were afterwards assigned by lot to the different rights.
The section thus divided extended nearly from the north-
ern to the southern line, and embraced more than one-
third the width of the town. The present villages of
Manchester and Factory Point are located on that division.

The first settlement in Manchester was made in the
summer or fall of 1764, in that part of the town now known
as the Purdy district. The first house was built by Samuel
Rose, on the premises long occupied by John S. Pettibone.
It is believed the houses built in 1764, were permanently
occupied the same year ; but possibly the settlers, after
completing their buildings, returned to Amenia for the
winter, and first brought their families to the township

in the spring- of 1765. Of the precise time of their arrival,
of the number of families that came together, of the cir-
cumstances which attended their journey and settlement,
there is no record or tradition.

In December, 1764, the proprietors voted to have a
highway laid out through the town, and Jeremiah French
and G-ideon Ormsby were appointed a committee for that
purpose. This road was undoubtedly surveyed in the
spring of 1765, and some labor was probably expended
upon it the same year. Its general location was that of
the present road from the Judge Pettibone place to the vil-
lage, and thence past the Wheaton house to South Dorset.
It was the first road made in the settlement, and was
known on the records for several years as " the main road
through the town."

And now, as the settlement is approaching its second
winter, let us briefly consider its appearance and condi-
tion. Winding around the base of the west mountain, far
above the low lands of the river valley, is the newly esta-
blished road. It is as yet nothing but a rude path, run-
ning among the stumps and trees. At intervals along
this road, and in its vicinity, are the little clearings of the
settlers, scarcely perceptible in the unbounded forest. In
the south-west part of the town are the log-houses built by
the settlers of the previous year. These are now doubt-
less furnishing temporary shelter to the families of settlers
recently arrived, whose own houses are not yet completed.
Those whose buildings are already finished and occupied
are hard at work clearing land for the crops of the com-
ing year. Perhaps as many as fifteen stalwart men have
brought their families and effects to Manchester, and
commenced their chosen task of converting a section of

the wilderness into a cultivated farm. We shall find the
names of some of them in the record of the first town
meeting held the following spring.

The town was organized on the second Tuesday of
March, 1766. Benjamin Johns was the first moderator,
and Stephen Mead the first town clerk. Eliakim Weller,
Benjamin Purdy, James Mead, Ezra Mead and Samuel
Soper, were among the residents at that time. Benjamin
Purdy, Jr., Gideon Ormshy, William Ernes, Charles
Bullis and Thomas Soper, had already settled in town, or
did so soon after. Benjamin Johns removed to Claren-
don in 1768, hut resumed his residence here after an ab-
sence of several years. Stephen Mead located on the
premises now owned by William A. Purdy, but a few
years later he conveyed to Thomas Barney, a son-in-law of
Gov. Chittenden, and removed to Pittsford. Benjamin
Purdy settled on land which lias always remained in the
possession of his descendants, and is now occupied by
Daniel Purdy. Gideon Ormshy located on the premises
afterwards owned by Gov. Skinner, and still known by
his name. Eliakim Weller built where the house of
Joseph I. Sheldon now stands, and was probably the first
inn-holder in town. James Mead invested largely in
Manchester lands, but soon removed to Rutland, where
lie became a prominent man in the affairs of the Grants.
The settlers of Manchester had scarcely commenced to
clear their lands when they learned that the New Hamp-
shire titles were likely to be seriously called in question.
They had purchased their rights in ignorance of any ad-
verse claim on the part of New York, and were contem-
plating an early removal to the town, when the pretensions
of that province were formally announced by a proclama-

10

tion of its executive. The fears and doubts excited by
that document were, however, soon dispelled by a counter
proclamation of Gov. Wentworth, and the settlement of
the town was undertaken without delay. The king's
order placing the territory now known as Vermont under
the jurisdiction of New York, was promulgated a few
months later ; but the settlers did not at first suppose that
that order could receive any construction which would affect
existing rights. Deriving title from a royal charter, issued
by the governor of a province whose jurisdiction of the
territory had long been recognized, they could not readily
believe that the subsequent recognition of the conflicting
claim of another province would ever be suffered to im-
peril their homesteads. But it soon became apparent that
the authorities of New York proposed, not only to assume
jurisdiction of the territory, but to regrant the lands pre-
viously disposed of by New Hampshire, and drive out the
settlers already in possession.

In May, 1765, Lieut. Gov. Colden issued the patent of
Princeton, which was the first grant made by New York
in conflict with the previous charters of New Hampshire.
It extended along the valley of the Battenkill from Ar-
lington to Dorset, embracing all the land of any value in
the township of Manchester. Under this patent, Attorney-
General Kempe of New York, James Duane, a distin-
guished lawyer of New York city, and Walter Rutherford,
a merchant of the same place, claimed to own the lands
which the settlers of Manchester had bought, paid for and
improved.

Other settlers were placed in the same unfortunate
situation by this and similar patents, and the towns united
in various efforts to avert the impending danger. In

11

December, 1765, the settlers sent a committee to New
York to present their case to the governor and seek relief.
One of the committee was Jeremiah French, a large owner
of rights in Manchester, and then or soon after a settler in
the town. In November, 1766, the inhabitants of Man-
chester, together with their brethren of other towns, peti-
tioned the king for a confirmation of their titles. Three
years later, a committee of the settlers, of which Benjamin
Purdy was a member, petitioned the governor of New
Hampshire to interpose with the crown in their behalf.

These various appeals of the New Hampshire grantees
produced no decisive results. The New York parties
continued to assert their claims, and in some instances
made actual attempts to dispossess the settlers. Certain
lands in Manchester having been awarded the New York
claimants by the courts of that state, an effort was made
in the winter of 1770—71, to put the successful litigants
in possession. Ten Eyck, sheriff of Albany county, ac-
companied by Munro, the noted Yorker of Shaftesbury,
and a small party of men, visited the premises of Samuel
Rose in his absence, and got possession of the house.
Seeing the neighbors approach in force, the sheriff thought
best to retire, having first directed Mrs. "Rose to hold
possession for the plaintiffs. This was followed by a more
war-like attempt in Bennington, in which the defeat of the
New York sheriff and his posse wTas not less complete.

Meanwhile the settlers, confident of ultimate success,
have continued to clear and improve the lands in cpiestion.
Emigration and settlement under the New Hampshire title
have steadily gone on, in spite of the hostile attitude of
New York. Our own town has received its share in the
general increase of population, and there are now scattered

12

cl earings in al most every part of th e valley. The northern
forest has been penetrated by hardy emigrants, and the
old highway through Manchester has become a part of the
road which leads from Bennington to the new settlements
on the Otter creek and the shore of the lake.

We shall better understand the growth of Manchester
during these years if we describe, by names of our own
time, the location of two roads which date from this
period. In 1768, a road was laid, extending in a northerly
direction from the south-east part of the valley, passing
west of the hills which rise from the west bank of the
Battenkill, to the bridge at Factory Point, and thence to
the premises of E. B. Smith. The central portion of this
road has long been discontinued. In 1769, a road was
laid by a line of marked trees from the bridge at Factory
Point to the Deacon Ames place, and thence over the hill
towards Barnumville. Portions of that road are now em-
braced in the main street of Factory Point.

Among those who arrived in Manchester during this
period were some who afterwards became prominently
connected with our local affairs. In March, 17<>!>, the name
of Martin Powel appears for the first time in the record
of town proceedings. While yet a resident of Amenia
he purchased the lots which are now the farm of Noble
J. Purdy, and there was doubtless his place of settlement.
There are indications, however, that a few years later lie
kept a tavern stand where the village is now located, on
premises owned \>y William Marsh. Marsh has been
considered one of the earlier settlers, but his name i\nvs
not appear in the records of the town until 1770.

As early as 1771 a few framed houses were to be seen —
low buildings, with huge timbers and immense chimneys,

13

which in our clay would be considered anything but ele-
gant, but which, to those who moved into them from the
hastily constructed log-house, seemed quite palatial. The
first framed house in town was built by Samuel Rose in
1760. Its location was on the side of the hill, a few rods
north of the present school-house in the Purdy district.
It remained standing until a comparatively recent period,
and a rough inscription on a stone in the chimney pre-
served the date of its construction.

Nearly all who had settled in Manchester up to this
time came from Amenia in New York, while the settlers
of neighboring towns were mainly from Massachusetts and
Connecticut. In view of this circumstance, sonic have
expressed surprise at the perfect accord which always ex-
isted between the early settlers of Manchester and the
inhabitants of the towns around. It must be remembered,
however, that Amenia was largely settled from New Eng-
land, and it is quite probable that the early settlers of
Manchester were mostly of New England stock. Although
emigrants from New York, they held their lands under a,
New Hampshire title, and common interest, as well as a
common origin, bound them closely to the residents of
adjoining towns. They were doubtless people in humble
circumstances, who had settled in a new country in the
hope of improving their condition. They probably were
not overburdened with household goods on their journey
hither, and they were not sufficiently supplied with ready
money to be inclined to pay twice for their lands. They
were more at home with the axe than the quill, and were
not dismayed at the idea of defending their rights with
powder and ball. Of their promptness in patriotic action
and their strict fidelity to the common cause, the history

14

of the early struggles of the ~New Hampshire Grants fur-
nishes ample evidence.

In the winter of 1771-2, the people of the New Hamp-
shire Grants residing on the west side of the mountain,
established a regular military organization for the defense
of the settlements. Several companies of militia were
enrolled, and were formed into a regiment, of which
Ethan Allen was colonel. This organization soon became
known as " the Green Mountain Boys." Its members
were thoroughly armed, frequently met in small detach-
ments for drill and practice, and were ready to respond
to the call of their leaders at a moment's notice. Man-
chester undoubtedly had its quota in this organization,
but the names of the men who filled it are lost beyond
recovery. Gideon Warren, of Sunderland, was a captain
in the regiment, and it is probable the Manchester men
were in his company.

This military organization received its instructions from
the committees of safety, which, by the common consent
of the settlers, were charged with the protection of the
Grants. The committees of the several towns were often
called together in convention for the determination of
important matters. The town of Manchester, central in
location and ardent in defense of the common rights of
the settlers, was frequently chosen as the place of their
meeting. The lists of membership in those earlier con-
ventions have not been preserved, but the names of the
more prominent members could readily be supplied.
Allen, Warner, and their associates, were often in attend-
ance, and must have become well known to the residents
of our town.

15

Early in 1772, certain New York claimants, established
at the lower foils of Otter creek, who had driven out the
New Hampshire grantees to get possession, were in turn
summarily ejected by a band of Green Mountain Boys.
When the news reached Gov. Tryon, he addressed a letter
to the settlers, requiring them to reinstate the New York
claimants without delay. On the 27th of August, the com-
mittees of eleven townships assembled at Manchester and
replied to the governor's letter. Their answer was signed
by " Ethan Allen, clerk for said committees, " and was
evidently prepared by him in advance, and adopted by the
convention. It approved the action of the settlers without
equivocation, and declined a compliance with the gover-
nor's requisition. The New York council considered the
document " highly insolent, " and expressed an opinion
that the opposition had become too formidable to be over-
come without the aid of regular troops.

But while the settlers were prepared to defend their
possessions, they still hoped for a peaceable solution of the
difficulty. In Oetober, 1772, a convention of the several
towns on the west side of the mountain was held at Man-
chester, and agents were appointed to repair to London
with a petition to the king. The agents found matters at
court in a favorable condition, and returned to their peo-
ple with encouraging reports. They were soon followed
by a communication from the king's council to the go-
vernor of New York, proposing that the titles of the New
Hampshire grantees be confirmed, and that the New York
grantees receive compensation out of other lands.

The New York authorities protested against this action
of the king's council, and encouraged their friends to
continue their opposition to the New Hampshire party.

16

Their principal strength on the Grants was in the town of
Clarendon, where there were many settlers who held under
a New York title. These settlers were active in their
efforts to support and increase the New York interest in
their immediate locality, and were only kept from more
extended operations by their dread of the people of the
southern towns. One of them wrote his patron in New
York that the condition of things from Bennington to
Manchester was such that he could not travel there with
safety, ami assured him that unless those and the interme-
diate towns were subdued, there was an end of all go-
vernment.

The settlers from Bennington to Manchester knew that
one party or the other must be subdued, and preferred it
should be their opponents. Early in the fall of 1773, a
large number of them visited Clarendon, and demanded a
complete submission to the authority of the conventions.
Those who held New York commissions were directed to
abstain from any further exercise of official power; and
all New York grantees were ordered to acknowledge the
New Hampshire title by repurchasing their lands. Com-
pliance was required within a certain time, on pain of the
severest penalties. The warning was unheeded, and at
the expiration of the specified time the Green Mountain
Boys returned in force to carry their threats into execu-
tion. One unoccupied house was burned, and one or two
others unroofed. This intimidated the New York party,
and the New Hampshire settlers in the vicinity were after-
wards left in comparative quiet.

These transactions were brought to the attention of the
New York authorities, and in February, 1774, the assem-
bly requested the governor to offer a reward for the ap-

17

prehension of the leaders of the " Bennington mob," and
directed the drafting of a bill for the suppression of riot-
ous proceedings. When the news of these preliminaries
reached the settlers, a general meeting of the committees
of the several towns was called to consider the situation.
This convention met at the house of Eliakim Weller in
Manchester, and an adjourned meeting was afterwards
held in Arlington. A committee was appointed to pre-
pare a defense of the conduct of the settlers, and their
report was adopted by the convention. It was resolved
to protect the proscribed leaders at the expense of life and
fortune, and to be in readiness to hasten to their defense
at a moment's notice.

This was in anticipation of the expected action of New
York. The governor soon issued a proclamation offering-
rewards for the apprehension of Allen and his comrades,
and the assembly passed an act which provided that such
persons as might be indicted for certain riotous proceed-
ings, and failed to surrender themselves on the published
order of the governor, should be sentenced to imprison-
ment or death, as the ease might be, without trial or con-
viction. As soon as these documents found their way to
the settlements, another meeting was held at Manchester,
which reaffirmed the action of the previous convention in
the strongest terms, and declared that any person in the
New Hampshire Grants who should accept a commission
of the peace under the authority of New York, should be
deemed an enemy to the country until his majesty's
pleasure was further knoAvn.

An appeal to arms seemed the only course left open to
New York, and some maybe inclined to consider the cause
of the New Hampshire grantees at this period qnite des-

18

perate. They were but a handful of men in weak and
scattered settlements, while their opponents were the au-
thorities of an opulent province. But the match was not
as unequal as it seemed. The settlers were among the
strongholds of the mountains, and under the cover of path-
less forests. A common and unavoidable peril made them
earnest, vigilant and united. On the other hand, the
people of New York had no sympathy with the schemes of
the land ring, and were not disposed to follow their au-
thorities up the Walloomsac or the Battenkill to be shot
at by men who scarcely went out of doors without a gun,
and who considered themselves disgraced if they missed
their aim. The former experience of the sheriff of Albany
county seems to have satisfied the governor that no reliance
could be placed on the citizens of New York for this
service, and he applied to Gen. Gage, the king's command-
er-in-chief in America, for a force of British regulars
with which to subdue the Grants. A compliance with his
request was respectfully declined, and the New Hampshire
grantees remained comparatively undisturbed.

Most of the friends of the New York interest residing
on the Grants, now abandoned all active opposition to the
New Hampshire party. One prominent exception was
Benjamin Hough, who held lands under a New York title
in Clarendon. The recent proceedings of the governor
and assembly had been inaugurated on his petition, and
lie had passed the winter in New York urging the adoption
of the most vigorous measures. In the spring he returned
to the Grants with a New York commission as justice of
the peace. Having acted under this commission, he was
served with a copy of the resolution in relation to justices
adopted at Manchester, and was warned that any further
exercise of his authority would be followed by certain

19

punishment. He neglected the timely caution, and paid
the severest penalty ever exacted by the Green Mountain
Boys. Late in January, 1775, his neighbors seized him, put
him on a sled, and took him through Manchester to some
point in Sunderland, where he was kept under guard until
the leaders were assembled. He was tried by Allen and
his associates, found guilty of violating the decrees of the
people, and sentenced to receive two hundred lashes on
the back. His judges saw their sentence faithfully exe-
cuted, furnished him with a certificate that he had received
punishment in full for his offenses against the Grants, and
sent him on his way to New York.

This was on the 30th day of January, 1775 ; and the
leaders who participated in the affair doubtless at once re-
paired to Manchester to attend a convention called to meet
there the following day, which proved to be one of the
most important ever held by the people of the Grants.

At a special meeting of the inhabitants of Manchester
on the 23d of January, 1775, it was voted to choose a com-
mittee of three to act with the convention " appointed to
meet at the house of Martin Powel " on the 31st. William
Marsh, Ebenezer Bristol and Martin Powel, were chosen
such committee, and were given discretionary power. On
the day named, a convention of the towns on the west side
of the mountain, twenty -five in number, convened at Man-
chester, and remained in session several days. The
committees thus assembled entered into a solemn covenant
for mutual defense, and published a series of rules for the
guidance of the people. They declared that the laws,
judgments and decrees of New York growing out of the
land title controversy were not binding upon them, and
would be resisted at the hazard of blood and treasure.

20

Those who had been proscribed for defending the posses-
sions of the settlers were taken under the protection oi
the people, and New York officials were warned that any
attempt to apprehend them would be at their peril. It
was ordered that if certain prominent New York claimants
or their agents should come within the district, they
should be at once apprehended and taken before the
" elders of the people and the principal officers of the
Green Mountain Boys" to be dealt with as justice required.
The company officers of the regiment of Green Mountain
Boys were directed to forthwith muster their respective
companies, and see that each soldier was provided with
firelock, ammunition and tomahawk; and to hold themselves
in readiness at a minute's warning to maintain the com-
pact and resolutions of the convention. The committees
might reasonably hope that these solemn declarations, en-
forced by the experience of Justice Hough, then on his
way to New York with the marks of the " beech seal" up-
on Ins back, would be sufficient to satisfy their opponents
of the earnestness of their intentions.

Thus determined was the attitude of the settlers towards
New York when a greater contest came on, in the progress
of which this local controversy was almost lost sight of.
The military preparations and warlike spirit of the Green
Mountain P>oys were soon turned against another enemy,
and those who had been proclaimed rioters and outlaws
gained a speedy recognition as patriots andheroes. Before
we enter upon the story of this new conflict, let us take a
single glance at Manchester one hundred years ago.

The town has only just completed the tenth year of its
history. The forest still exceeds the cleared lands, even
in the most desirable parts of the valley. The summer

21

roads are simply foot and bridle paths — wheeled vehicles
are as yet unknown. The population of the town is pro-
bably between five and six hundred. On the north line
of the glebe, west of where the road to Noble J. Purdy's
now leaves the road between the two villages, stands a
school-house — the first appearance of a public building in
the annals of the town. The place is without meeting-
house or minister. There is no lawyer, or court of
justice, or general government. The usual officers of a
New England township manage its local affairs, and com-
mittees of safety and correspondence have charge of its
relations with the outside world. The inhabitants are very
poor, and are sometimes in want of the neeessaries of life.
They have no luxuries except what they can raise among
the stumps, or catch in the streams, or bring down with
the rifle. There is a saw-mill and a grist-mill, but no
village and no store. The art of feminine ornamentation
is in a very low state. The necessities of their situation
have inured the women to work, hardship and danger.
The men, clad in buckskin or in coarsest homespun, are
farmers, hunters, soldiers, as occasion may require.

Such was Manchester in May, 1775, when Allen's mes-
sengers hurried northward through the valley, summon-
ing the Green Mountain Bo}^s to join an expedition for
the capture of Ticonderoga. I think we would like to
follow the men who bore that message through our town,
and see at what houses they stopped, and who came forth
armed and equipped in response to the call. But it is
now too late to gratify our curiosity, and we must be
content with the single fact that remains. We know that
Christopher Roberts of Manchester took part in the ex-
pedition, and was one of the first to enter the fort.

The continental congress voted to pay the men who
had taken and garrisoned Ticonderoga and Crown Point,
and recommended the further employment of the Green
Mountain Boys under their own officers. In consecuience
of this recommendation, measures were taken for raising
a regiment. At a convention in Dorset, in July, 1775,
Warner was appointed its commander and company offi-
cers were elected. Nathan Smith, of Manchester, was
chosen second lieutenant of the fourth company, and a
part of that company was undoubtedly recruited in this
town. This regiment went to Canada with Montgomery,
repulsed Carleton at Longueil, and returned home in
November, honorably discharged.

In the following January, tidings of a great disaster in
Canada reached the Grants, accompanied by an urgent
appeal for help. Warner at once gathered a regiment,
and marched to Quebec. This hastily collected force was
doubtless largely composed of the officers and men who
had served in his previous regiment. They formed the
rearguard of the army in its retreat to Ticonderoga, where
they arrived in June and were discharged. This prompt
and patriotic action of the Green Mountain Boys again
attracted the attention of congress; and the day after in-
dependence was declared that body resolved to raise a
regular regiment on the New Hampshire Grants, of which
Warner was appointed colonel. This was the organization
afterwards known as Warner's continental regiment.

Although the Green Mountain Boys were among the
first to engage in active hostilities, their unfortunate rela-
tions with New York delayed somewhat a formal expres-
sion of their sentiments. But on the 24th of July, 1776,
a convention was held at Dorset, the members of which

23

signed an association pledging their all in defense of the
American states. William Marsh, Gideon Ormsby and
Martin Powel, were the delegates from Manchester, and
affixed their names to the document. The pledge thus
given in behalf of our town met the hearty approval of the
great body of its citizens. Some, however, who had been
among the trusted leaders of the settlers in other emergen-
cies, were already estranged from their old associates, and
saAv themselves shunned in the town which they had helped
to found.

As the contest went on, ominous preparations were made
for the disposal of inimical persons. In September, 1776,
a convention at Dorset resolved to build a jail at some
point on the west side of the mountain for securing tories.
The matter was referred to a committee, who reported
in favor of building the jail in Manchester, a few rods east
of the dwelling-house of Martin Powel ; and recommended
that it be made of logs and earth, with an inside dimension
of twenty by thirty feet. Their report was accepted, and
Martin Powel was chosen jail-keeper. There are indica-
tions on the records that before the county jail was built
in Manchester there was a log jail very near its site, which
was probably the building thus provided for. If so,
Martin Powel must have then kept the inn owned by
William Marsh, which stood on the spot now covered by
the south wing of the Taconic (late Vanderlip) House.
This jail cannot have been extensively used for its original
purpose ; for when there was the most need of securing
tories, Manchester was in too exposed a situation to
render its use advisable.

Meanwhile the British troops were following up their
successes with unabated vigor. In October, 1776, Gates

24

expected an attack on Ticonderoga, and called for rein-
forcements of militia. Col. Brownson's regiment, in which
were the Manchester men, marched the day after the dis-
patches were received. But the enemy retired to Canada
without venturing an attack, and the militia were dis-
charged with the thanks of the American general for their
zeal and promptness.

During the succeeding winter and spring, troops and
material were collected in Canada for a much more for-
midable invasion. In June, a magnificent army of eight
thousand men under Gen. Burgoyne moved slowly up the
lake, threatening Ticonderoga, then garrisoned by St.
Clair. The safety of the people of this vicinity depended
upon the successful defense of that fortress, and they
awaited the British advance with no inconsiderable anxiety.
As Burgoyne approached, St. Clair called for reinforce-
ments, and the entire militia of the Grants hastened to
his assistance.

The militiamen of Manchester had been gone but a
short time when tidings of disaster and impending danger
reached the anxious people at home. Ticonderoga had
fallen. Warner's continental regiment, the pride of the
New Hampshire Grants, had been cut to pieces at Hubbard-
ton. The dreaded Burgoyne had commenced his march
to the Hudson — the Indians were already let loose upon
the settlements. The American troops followed close
upon the news of their disaster. St. Clair arrived in
Manchester, making desperate efforts to collect provisions
for his retreating army. The garrison of Ticonderoga
passed through the valley on its circuitous retreat to the
Hudson. The remnant of "Warner's regiment entered the
town, and took post for the defense of the inhabitants.

25

Meanwhile, the settlers of all the region north of Man-
chester were passing southward through the town, carry-
ing their household goods, and driving their flocks and
herds before them.

In the midst of this confusion and terror there convened
in Manchester a small body of men whose proceedings
constitute the most important chapter in the history of
our town. A convention of delegates had declared the
territory known as the New Hampshire Grants a separate
and independent state by the name of Vermont, and a
more recent convention had established a constitution for
its government. This constitution was adopted in conven-
tion just after the disastrous news from Tieonderoga
reached that body. It was evident that no officers under
the constitution could be elected in such a crisis, and it
was equally evident that some organization must continue
in session to exercise the powers of government. The
convention, therefore, before adjourning, appointed a
council of safety, consisting of twelve members, which
during the nine succeeding months wielded unlimited
power in Vermont.

A majority of the council at once repaired to Manchester,
and remained in session here several days before proceed-
ing to Bennington. The journal of the council during
this period has never been found, and a full list of the
members who attended cannot be given. It is known that
Thomas Chittenden, Nathan Clark and Ira Allen, were
among the number. Moses Robinson, Henian Allen and
Jonas Fay, were doubtless present. Jeremiah Clark of
Shaftesbury, grandfather of the late Myron Clark, was a
member of the council, and we may infer from the vicinity
of his residence that he was in attendance. These men
4

26

had borne a prominent part in the trying history of the
New Hampshire Grants; but, accustomed as they were to
situations of difficulty and peril, they must have assembled
here in a condition bordering on despair. In the track of
a victorious army and in the midst of a fleeing' community,
they were expected to oppose the one and protect the other,
without troops, without money and without credit.

The council held their sessions in the inn before re-
ferred to, owned by William Marsh, and probably kept
by Martin Powel. It was a plain wooden building,
less than two full stories, standing with the side to the
road, in size not far from fifty by forty-five feet. The
ground floor consisted of two front rooms of about the
same size, a kitchen in the rear of these rooms, extending
from the south end of the building, and a pantry north of
the kitchen. The main entrance was nearly in the center
of the building, and opened into the south front room.
From this room a door opened into the kitchen, and in
the south end of the kitchen was the stairway leading to
the upper story. On this floor were two small rooms in
the rear, a large front chamber in the south end of the
building, and a smaller one in the north end. These
were the scanty accommodations of an inn which often
numbered among its guests the leading men of Vermont,
and in which were enacted some of the most interesting
scenes of her early history.

Warner established his camp on the hill south-west of
the village, on the premises now generally known as the
Swift farm. There his regiment was rejoined by the
stragglers who had been separated from it in the confusion
of retreat, and was supplied with ammunition and clothing
from the depots of the northern department, A body of

27

the enemy had been left in the vicinity of Castleton, and
an advance from that quarter was daily expected. The
force under Warner's command was too weak for opposi-
tion, and in case of an immediate movement his retreat
was inevitable. The inhabitants were well aware of this,
and it was feared that unless reinforcements were speedily
obtained, the people of Manchester would follow the ex-
ample of the settlers of more northerly towns, and take
refuge in the lower country. Citizens of tory proclivities
were jubilant and defiant, and despondency and doubt
were making dangerous progress in the whig ranks.

Having sent urgent requests for the support of neigh-
boring states, the council of safety deliberated long and
earnestly as to what Vermont could do for herself. To a
community so weak and impoverished, the maintenance
of a single company would have seemed a heavy burden.
The council were disposed to tax the ability of the people
to the utmost, and arm and equip two companies. Then
Ira Allen, the youngest member of the council, proposed
the enlistment of a full regiment. The older members ex-
plained the utter impossibility of raising the funds necessary
for such a force. Allen insisted that some method could
be devised to provide the means, and his brethren gave
him till the rising of the morrow's sun to perfect a plan.
During the intervening hours the sanguine statesman,
then only twenty-six years of age, considered his difficult
problem. At the appointed time he met with the council,
and was ready to submit his views. He proposed nothing
less than the seizure and confiscation of all the tory estates.
The measure he recommended proved acceptable to the
council, and was at once sanctioned by its decree. This
decree of confiscation, resolved upon within a stone's

28

throw of where we are met to-night, was the first instance
of the confiscation of tory property during the revolution,
and the estates of the tory residents of Manchester were
the first property seized for the public defense.

The weak and wavering who trembled at the progress
of Burgoyne, and were disposed to take the benefit of his
proclamations, now found that there were other dangers
to be considered. The council of safety carried their
decree into execution with a vigor which confounded their
enemies. Commissioners of sequestration were appointed
and given the amplest powers. Suspected persons were
arrested and held for trial. The property of those who
had fled to the British camp was seized without delay.
Their goods and chattels were sold at public vendue, and
their farms rented for the benefit of the state. Money
flowed into the treasury ; soldiers were raised, equipped
and paid : and within thirty days after the confiscation
was decreed the council of safety sent out an organized
battalion to meet the enemy.

This new organization was called " The Rangers," and
was commanded by Herrick. Recruits for the regiment
were collected at Manchester as fast as enlisted. "War-
ner's encampment was further strengthened by the arri-
val of a small body of militia from the east side of the
mountain. On the 20th of July there were about five
hundred troops in Manchester. On the 2d of August,
Maj. Gen. Lincoln of the continental army arrived in
town to take command of the New England militia, and
operate upon Burgoyne's communications. Cushing's
Worcester county regiment arrived two days later. Others
were on their way, and Lincoln hoped in a few days to be
in command of two thousand men.

While these reinforcements were being hurried to Man-
chester, Burgoyne was preparing for an expedition to the
same point. Banme received written instructions to pro-
ceed to Arlington, secure the pass to Manchester, and
await the arrival of Sherwood's provincials from the south.
He was then to proceed to Manchester, and secure the
pass of the mountains on the road to Rockingham. From
this place he was to send the Indians and light troops on
an expedition northward, and on their return was to cross
the mountains to the Connecticut. Burgoyne mentioned
the fact that "Mr. Warner" was supposed to he at Man-
chester, but considered it highly probable that he would
retreat without resistance. These instructions were subse-
quently countermanded, and Baume was ordered direct
to Bennington.

In response to the urgent appeals of the council of
safety, the government of New Hampshire raised a bri-
gade of militia for service in Vermont, and placed it under
command of Gen. Stark. It may be interesting to notice
that Mesheck "Weare, president of the New Hampshire
council, who now ordered Stark to march to the assistance
of the Vermonters, was one of the original proprietors of
Manchester, and was once the owner of lot number forty
in the first division, on the west end of which Music Hall
now stands.

On the 6th of August, Stark was at Bromley (now Peru),
and on the 7th he arrived in Manchester, where most of
his troops were already encamped. Schuyler's orders
awaited him here, but Stark claimed an independent com-
mand by virtue of his instructions, and declined obedience.
On the 8th he left Manchester for Bennington, where he
arrived the following day. He was accompanied or fol-

30

lowed by most of the Vermont militia. Warner's regi-
ment was left behind, but was soon summoned by an
express. The scouts were called in from the north, and
in the heavy rains of the 15th of August, the regiment
marched to Bennington, and arrived on the field in time
to take part in the closing engagement of the following
day.

Soon after the battle of Bennington Stark joined the
forces in front of Burgoyne, while most of the Vermont
troops returned to Manchester. Early in September Lin-
eoln advanced towards Ticonderoga, through Dorset and
Pawlet, with Ilerrick's Rangers and a body of militia.
After various successes in that quarter he was recalled by
Gates, and returned to Manchester with most of his troops.
Leaving a small force here under Gen. Bayley, he joined
the main army at Saratoga. On the 17th of October, Bur-
goyne surrendered his forces, and the New England militia
returned to their homes.

Now that the great campaign of 1777 is over, let us
trace its connection with the individual fortunes of some
of our citizens.

Josiah Burton, who came to Manchester about 1773, en-
listed in Warners continental regiment January 1, 1777,
for three years. He was in the engagement at Hubbardton,
and left the tield beside his commander when the day was
h.st. After the battle of Bennington, he asked and ob-
tained leave to go home and send a son to serve in his stead.
His son Elijah, then sixteen years of age, took his place,
and was with the regiment at Burgoyne's surrender.

John Roberts, a veteran of the French and Indian war,
who came to Manchester soon after its settlement, and

31

located where Mrs. E. L. Way now lives, enlisted in
Warner's regiment February 19, 1777, to serve during the
war. He was in the battle of Bennington, and four of
his five sons, Peter, John, William and Benjamin, also
took part in that engagement. The remaining son, Christo-
pher, was taking the women and children to a place of
safety, and had got into Massachusetts when he heard of
the victory and returned.

George Sexton, who lived near the bridge in the Bar-
numvillc district, enlisted in Warner's regiment March 25,
1777. He was an ensign during the campaign of that
year, and was afterwards promoted to a lieutenancy.
Nathan Beaman, an uncle of the late Rev. Dr. Beaman of
Troy, enlisted in the regiment on the first of June. He
had formerly lived in the vicinity of Ticonderoga, and had
acted as Allen's guide at the time of its capture. Truman
Mead enlisted the same day, and served as fifer. Penuel
Stevens, Amos Allen, Prince Soper and Edward Soper,
joined the regiment before the campaign commenced.

Nathan Smith was a captain of militia during the year
1777. Some time in August he was " sent by the council
after tories," in which service he was employed three days
with twenty-one men. He was in the battle of Bennington ,
in connection with which his name has come down to us
with especial honor. You will remember that after two
hours' incessant firing at musketry distance the enemy's
entrenchments were carried by assault, with a gallantry
which won the admiration of the veteran Stark, and excited
the astonishment of officers trained in the wars of Europe.
The raw militia rushed up the ascent in the face of a
deadly volley, sprang upon the well defended parapet, and
threw themselves upon the pikes and sabres of the German

32

troops. It will do for us to cherish a little local pride in
this matter, for Captain Nathan Smith and Benjamin
Vaughan wore in the front of that famous charge, and
were the first men who mounted the enemy's works.

Gideon ( )rnisby was one of the military men of the town,
and was evidently in active service during the campaign,
but in what capacity or organization cannot be stated.
His prominence and activity in the American cause had
gained him the hearty hatred of some of his neighbors,
and when the advance of Bnrgoyne raised the hopes and
courage of the tories, his property and family were in no
small danger. His young orchard was girdled, and one
or two attempts were made to burn bis buildings. Not-
withstanding the threats of the tories and the departure
of many of her whig neighbors, Mrs. Ormsby remained at
home with her small children until the campaign was over.

Martin Powel was appointed a commissioner of seques-
tration immediately after the decree of confiscation, and
was one of the most trusted and active officers of the
council. In the preserved records of that body we catch
glimpses of him here and there ; calling together the com-
mittee of safety for action in the case of a suspected per-
son ; journeying to a neighboring town to take charge of
a, yoke of oxen belonging to the state; disposing of se-
questered property on appraisal; or furnishing a cow from
the confiscated drove for the needy wife of some absent
tory. The duties of his difficult and responsible position
were evidently performed with excellent judgment and
perfect integrity. He must at times have found those
duties anything but pleasant ; for he was more than once
called upon to seize and dispose of the property of men

33

with whom he had long been associated in town affairs,
and at whose houses he had been a welcome guest.

Samuel Rose, a son of the first settler in town, accepted
a captain's commission in the British army, and undertook
to recruit a company of tories. He was furnished hard
money with which to stimulate the loyalty of his neighbors,
and succeeded in luring a few young men to his standard.
He and his handful of recruits were ignominiously cap-
tured one dark night, just as they were leaving Manchester
for the British army, somewhat in the manner described
in The Rangers. Early in September, 1777, the council of
safety sent him to Gen. Gates with a statement of his
offenses, and a recommendation that he be sent on board
the guard-ships in the North river. His farm was confis-
cated, and soon after became the property of Samuel
Pettibone.

ISTehemiah French and Henry Bullis joined the tory
company of Capt. Adams of Arlington, and went to the
British army. On the 12th of September they voluntarily
appeared before the council of safety, and submitted them-
selves to its pleasure. The council considered what Bullis
had already lost a sufficient punishment for his conduct,
but French was compelled to pay a fine of twenty pounds.
They were then permitted to take the oath of allegiance,
and were given passes to their farms in Manchester.

The experience of Bennet Beardslee mil illustrate the
unfortunate condition of a suspected person in those times.
On the 6th of September, 1777, he was adjudged an enemy
of the United States and a dangerous person to go at large,
and ordered to be confined in the common jail at West-
minster. On the 17th the council reconsidered its action,
and sentenced him to pay a fine of fifteen pounds. On the
5

34

19tli he was permitted to pass to Manchester, to return at
the expiration of five days unless his fine was paid within
that time. He succeeded in raising the money and secured
his discharge. A convention of committees afterwards
took his case in hand, and sent him again to the council.
On the 3d of January, 1778, he was permitted to go home
to return on the 8th, probably to enable him to obtain evi-
dence. On the 9th the council decided that he bad been
guilty of no crime since bis satisfaction of their former
judgment, and ordered bis discharge; and Lieut. Peter
Roberts, commissioner of sequestration, was directed to
deliver him bis horse and other effects recently taken.

In May, 1778, the governor and council bad their at-
tention called to the fact that Mrs. Jeremiah French of
Manchester was " very turbulent and troublesome," and
refused to obey orders. It is not difficult to account for
considerable asperity on the part of Mrs. French. Her
husband, who had joined the British army to march into
Albany, bad considered himself fortunate in securing bis
retreat to Canada. His cattle and horses bad been seized
and driven away and sold. His farm was now being cul-
tivated for the benefit of the state under the supervision
of Martin Powel, commissioner of sequestration. We
can easily believe that Mrs. French carried a bitter tongue
in those days, and perhaps refused to yield a peaceable
possession to the men who tilled her husband's lands for
the new state. The council were not disposed to tolerate
her opposition, and concluded to send her to her husband.
Necessary clothing, bedding, and kitchen utensils for her-
self and family were set aside, and the rest of her movables
were sold to pay the expenses of transportation. Then
she, and her children, and the remainder of her goods,

35 1137199

were taken to the frontier, and sent under guard to the
British lines.

Jeremiah French lived on the Benjamin Munson place,
and owned all the land on which is located that part of the
village lying east of the center of the street from II. P.
Way's to M. II. Wooster's, except the strip of land, then
known as the public common, on which stands the row of
building's between the Benjamin Munson place and the
house lately occupied by L. C. Orvis. This property was
all condemned by the court of confiscation. In the fall of
1778, that part of it lying north of the old road leading east
from the Benjamin Munson place, was sold by the state to
Jared Munson, of Lanesborough. The lot lying south was
soon after deeded to Gideon Ormsby, and most of it was
subsequently conveyed to Gov. Chittenden.

William Marsh, who Avas a son-in-law of Jeremiah
French, seems to have moved into Dorset in the spring of
1777. He had been very prominent among the friends of
the American cause, and had pledged himself by "all the
ties held sacred among mankind " to oppose the British
forces at the risk of life and fortune. In June, he was
chairman of a committee to wait on the commander of
Ticonderoga in relation to the defense of the frontier — in
July, he rode to the British army. He was sincere in his
early support of our cause, but was not strong enough to
withstand family influences and the successes of Burgoyne,
and concluded to save himself by a timely submission.
Tradition says he was with Burgoyne's army when the
surrender became inevitable, and started to return home.
He soon fell in with Truman Mead and asked him if he
thought it would be sate for him to return. Mead told him
that if he did he would certainly be shot, whereupon Marsh

36

burst into tears and turned his horse's head northward.
He was proscribed with other prominent tories, but was

afterwards permitted to return to the state, and lived and
died in Dorset.

In the spring of 1777, Marsh was the owner of all the
land on which stands that part of Manchester village west
of the main street; but a few weeks before he went to the
British army he sold that part of it lying south of the north
line of the Eoyt place. All the rest was confiscated to the
use of the state. The portion lying north of the north
line oi' Mr. Shattuck's plaee was bought by Jared Munson,
and that lying south by Thaddeus Munson.

Various pieces of land in other parts of the valle}T, be-
longing to Marsh and tories of less note, were also con-
fiscated. Eight citizens of Manchester who took the British
side of the controversy were proscribed by an act of the
legislature, and their return to the state prohibited. A
British commission afterwards visited the town to appraise
their former possessions, and they were given lands of
equal value in Canada. Some of them became prosperous
and valuable citizens of the provinces.

After the campaign of 1777, the military service of the
citizens of Manchester was mainly in defense of the
frontier. Forts were erected in Pittsford, Rutland and
Castleton, and were garrisoned by detachments of militia.
These detachments were composed of quotas selected by
draft or otherwise from the various militia, organizations.
En times of especial alarm the companies at home hastened
to the frontier, and remained until the danger was over.

In April, 1778, "Warner's regiment was ordered to
Albany, and detachments of militia were sent to strengthen

37

the frontier. A company of fifty-six men, mostly resi-
dents of Manchester, under Capt. Nathan Smith, was in
service a few days. In May, 1778, we find Nathan Smith
major of the fifth regiment, and Jonathan Saxton, adju-
tant. The first company was located at Manchester.
Its officers were Gideon Ormsby, captain, Solomon Soper,
lieutenant, and William Saxton, ensign. In November
of that year, Capt. Ormsby and thirty-one of his company
were sent to the frontier, and were on duty eight days.

In 1780 there were three companies of militia in Man-
chester, all in the regiment of Col. Ira Allen, who then
lived in the north part of Sunderland. In the month of
March, Capt. Ormsby with fifty-six men, and Capt.
Thomas Bull with twenty-three men, visited the frontier.
Soon after this Ormsby was succeeded in the captaincy by
Thomas Barney, and subsequently became major of a
regiment raised for continuous service. In October, 1780,
a large British force sailed up the lake, and the whole
militia of the state was ordered to the frontier. The
three Manchester companies under Capts. Thomas Barney,
Jacob Odel and Thomas Bull, were out with full ranks.
At this time the town had about one hundred and fifty
men in service, probably her entire military population.

In October, 1781, there was another alarm on the
frontier, and the three Manchester companies were again
called into service. But the news of Cornwallis's sur-
render soon reached the British forces ; whereupon they
retired into Canada, and active hostilities in the northern
department ceased.

The defense of the frontier was not the only duty which
demanded the attention of the militia during this period.
There was still a strong New York party in the south-

38

eastern part of the statu, which at times proved quite
troublesome to the authorities of Vermont. In May, 1779,
a body of volunteers from this side of the mountain went
over to assist the sheriff of Cumberland county in the exe-
cution of the laws. This service seems to have been quite
popular, and officers came to the front in surprising num-
bers. The volunteers from Manchester were Major Na-
than Smith, Capt. Gideon Ormsby, Capt. Jesse Sawyer,
Capt. Zadock Everist, Capt, Stephen Pearl, Adjutant
Jonathan Saxton, Lieut. Thaddeus Munson, Lieut. Solomon
Soper, and the same number of men without titles.

It will he remembered that Vermont once formed a
union with several towns in New York lying on her
western border, with a view to strengthen herself against
the claims of that state. In December, 1781, the friends
of the Vermont union in those towns were threatened by
the New York militia, and troops from this section were
ordered to their support. A detachment under Major
Ormsby, and a few members of Capt. Barney's company
were engaged in this expedition. The New York forces
retired before superior numbers, and the affair ended
without bloodshed.

( me or two incidents will further illustrate the character
of the times. In the spring of 1782, a band of tories which
had been recruited in Albany county undertook to make
their way through Vermont to the British posts. They
arrived at Arlington in the night, where they were furnished
supplies, dust as they were leaving, an officer of militia
happened that way, and was taken prisoner. While on
their march they fell in with Jonathan Ormsby of Man-
chester, a son of Major Ormsby, and seized him. They
then abandoned the road for the shelter of Equinox

39

mountain, and hurried north. The alarm was soon given,
and the militiamen in the west part of the town seized
their guns and followed in pursuit. Major Ormsby sent
word to Col. Ira Allen, who hastened to Manchester and
dispatched an express to Capt. Eastman, of Rupert, with
directions to raise his men and waylay the tories at a pass
in the mountain. Eastman got out his force in time, and
the tories, finding themselves beset both in front and roar,
surrendered without resistance.

About this time " some brave and spirited people in
Manchester," as Ira Allen calls them, set out to pull down
the house of a tory resident of Arlington, perhaps in re-
venge for the assistance given the party which captured
Ormsby. In Sunderland they were met by Ira Allen,
Gideon Brownson and Eli Brownson, who with difficulty
persuaded them to return. Allen was at that time en-
gaged in a secret negotiation with the British general in
Canada, undertaken from patriotic motives, but a dis-
covery of which just then would have been decidedly
awkward. He mentions, to illustrate the dangers attend-
ing the negotiation, that on that very night he crossed
the ground where be had turned back the Manchester
party, and met a number of British soldiers, and received
dispatches from the enemy. In 1781 and 1782, a British
officer and soldiers under arms passed several times back
and forth along the west mountain between the British
posts and Sunderland, without discovery.

It was during these years of conflict and excitement
that our earliest religious societies struggled into exist-
ence. The first ministerial labor in Manchester was per-
formed by Rev. Seth Swift in the year 1776. The neces-
sity of building a house of worship was soon generally

40

acknowledged, but the place for its location was not so
easily agreed upon. It was evidently thought that the
location of the meeting-house would he likely to deter-
mine the site of the future village, and prominent citizens
on the line of the old road took part in the controversy
with a zeal not altogether spiritual. The record indicates
that the town was pretty evenly divided between two
localities, and that the matter was long in suspense. In
December, 1778, the town voted to build a meeting-house
thirty feet square, on such site as might be selected by a
committee of indifferent persons. In June, 1779, it was
voted that the meeting-house be forty feet by thirty-six,
and two stories high, and that it be located near the dwell-
ing of Christopher Roberts, on the lot now owned by
Mrs. E. L. Way. Timbers for the frame were prepared
at that place, but they were surreptitiously taken one
night by the party opposed to that location, and deposited
on the public common. In November of the same year,
the town again voted to build the meeting-house on such
spot as the committee might select, and it was soon after
erected on the ground occupied by the present Congrega-
tional edifice. En October, 1780, the society instructed
their committee to "procure some agreeable person to
preach the gospel." The church was organized with seven
members in 1784, hut it was many years before it was
blessed with the services of a settled minister.

The Baptist society was organized in 1781. Their
earliest pastor was the Rev. Joseph Cornall, who became
entitled to the land set apart for the first settled minister.
Before the erection of their meeting-house, they some-
times held services in a building near the falls on Glebe
brook, a place now quite remote from any road or dwell-

41

ing. An organization of the Protestant Episcopal church
was effected in 1782, under the charge of Rev. Gideon
Bostwick ; but it was nearly forty years before the people
of that denomination erected a house of worship.

In this early period of our state organization there was
no permanent seat of government, and sessions of the
legislature were held in several of the larger towns. In
October, 1779, the representatives assembled in Manchester
at the Weller tavern stand, and remained in session two
weeks. Congress bad recently taken action indicative of
a disposition to sustain the claim of New York to the
territory of Vermont ; bad proposed to undertake the set-
tlement of all differences on a basis which entirely ignored
the claims of Vermont to an independent existence; and
bad resolved that no unappropriated or confiscated lands
ought to be disposed of until its decision bad been made.
These proceedings received the careful attention of the
legislature, and met with a spirited response. Governor,
council, and assembly, unanimously resolved to proceed
with the disposal of their lands, and to "support their right
to independence at congress and to the world. "

In 1782, the disorders in Windham county culminated
in armed resistance to the authority of Vermont, and a
special session of the governor and council was held to
consider the crisis. They met on the 29th of August at
the house of Elias Gilbert, who lived on the hill south-
west of the village. The council advised his excellency to
raise troops for the enforcement of the laws, and to com-
mission Ethan Allen as their commander. Allen crossed
the mountain with two hundred and fifty volunteers,
threatened Guilford with the desolation of Sodom and
Gomorrah, and put an end to the disturbances without

42

loss of life. Capt. Barney and seven of his company were
among the volunteers on this occasion.

In October, 1782, the legislature again assembled in
Manchester. The larger body is said to have held its
sessions in the meeting-house, and the council doubtless
occupied an upper room in one of the inns. The most
important action of the session was the appointment of a
committee to visit the American congress, and negotiate
for the admission of Vermont into the union, or agree
upon terms of confederation.

A few professional gentlemen were now located in Man-
chester, but concerning their residence here comparatively
little is known. The first practitioner of medicine in town
of whom there is any mention was John Page. He appears
as a resident of Manchester in 1777, and was evidently
here four or five years. In 1781, he was connected with
Ira Allen's regiment as surgeon's mate.

Dr. Lewis Beebe was a resident of Manchester in 1780,
and was at that time surgeon of Allen's regiment. He
was greatly interested in the progress of medical science,
and was one of the corporators of "The First Medical
Society in Vermont," and its first secretary. He was also
quite active in public affairs, and was a member of the
council of censors in 1785. He probably left Manchester
about the year 1787.

In L782, Jonathan Brace, who had graduated from Yale
College three years before, settled in town and engaged
in the practice of law. He lived where Mr. Shattuck does,
and built a house on the premises occupied by Mrs. F. W.
Hoyt. After a residence here of three or four years he

43

returned to Connecticut, and was afterwards mayor ot
Hartford and member of congress.

About 1784, Samuel Hitchcock, a native of Massachusetts
and a graduate of Harvard College, became a resident of
Manchester and commenced practice as an attorney. He
was a warden of the Episcopal church in 1785, and the
records indicate his residence here until March, 1787.
Soon after this he removed to Burlington, where he married
a daughter of Ethan Allen, held various local offices, and
was finally appointed United States district judge.

These gentlemen were but temporary residents ; others
came who made Manchester their abode for life, and whose
descendants are numerous in town to-day. Nathaniel
Collins was prominent in local affairs in 1770. Nathaniel
Boorn was then living in the east part of the town, and
the stream in that section was known as Boorn brook as
early as 1787. Jabez Hawley was then located near the
south-west corner. James Jameson was already living on
Jameson Hats, and before 1700 we find the names of Rich-
ardson, Anderson and Benedict in the north part of the
town.

Not long after 1780 a tavern was erected where Mr.
Fowler's house now stands. In 1788, it was kept by
Stephen Keys, formerly of Connecticut, who had served
in the revolution as an officer in Sheldon's regiment
of dragoons. Keys occupied the house several years, but
it was then owned, and was afterwards kept, by Abel
Allis, and has generally been spoken of as the old Allis
tavern. Mrs. Allis, once the landlady of this inn, was a
daughter of Remember Baker, the Arlington mill-wright
who had shared with Allen and Warner the military lead-

44

ership of tlie settlers, and fallen by an Indian bullet while
scouting for Montgomery's advance.

In 1788, we must consider the resident of Manchester
village reasonably supplied with the comforts and con-
veniences of life. If he requires the attendance of a
physician, a little south of Keys' tavern, on the opposite side
of the street, is the residence of Dr. William Gould, a
graduate of Yale, and a prominent member of the Vermont
medical society. If any former experience has shaken his
confidence in Dr. Gould, he can request the attendance of
Dr. Azel Washburn, a physician and surgeon of several
years' experience, who will doubtless give him the best of
attention. If he has a difficulty with his neighbor, legal
assistance of the best kind can easily be obtained. A
short distance south of Dr. Gould's, lives Enoch Wood-
bridge, who will soon become chief justice of the supreme
court, If Squire Woodbridge has been so unfortunate as
to lose a case for him, he can still secure the services of
Mr. Samuel Hitchcock, who, notwithstanding his change
of residence, keeps up his practice here. If the ladies of
his family wish to do sonic shopping, dames Caldwell &
Co., at their stand a few rods south of Mr. Woodbridge's,
have recently added to their former assortment a quantity
of English goods just imported from London, and pay-
ment will betaken in wheat or ashes. Incase the services
of a prescription druggist are required, next door north of
Keys' inn is the drug store of Dr. Abel Allis, who receives
his goods immediately from Europe by the way of Canada,
and will make up his prescription with the greatest accu-
racy. If our resident is a, mason, he will doubtless visit
the rooms of the North Star Lodge in the upper pari of
Keys' inn, If it is time to dispose of the contents of the

45

rag-hag, lie can carry along the bundle and leave it at
Keys' to be taken to the paper-mill in Bennington. If lie
wishes to keep lip with current events, the post-rider will
leave with him weekly the Vermont Gazette, the subscrip-
tion price of which is three bushels of wheat, to he lodged
with Major Stephen Keys. Should the wheat crop fail
he need not lie alarmed; flaxseed or rags will he thank-
fully received in payment.

In October, 1788, the subscribers of the Gazette had
the pleasure of reading a full account of the proceedings
in Manchester on the assembling of the legislature for its
annual session. The arrival of the governor was an-
nounced by the discharge of live cannon by the artillery
company of ('apt. Harmon. His excellency was escorted
into town by three companies of cavalry, commanded by
Capts. Robinson, Hitchcock and Clark. Two companies
of light infantry, under Capts. Todd and Gray, were on
parade, and sainted the governor as he passed. Lt. Col.
Keys, of Manchester, the officer of the day, then took
command of the troops and performed various military
maneuvres ; after which a sermon, suitable to the occasion,
was delivered by Rev. Elijah Sill of Dorset, Declaration
was then made that his excellency, Thomas Chittenden,
was elected governor for the ensuing year, and his honor,
Joseph Marsh, lieutenant-governor. The troops were
again formed and fourteen cannon tired. The proceed-
ings closed with a general discharge of tire-arms by
the cavalry and light infantry, and the people dispersed
with every expression of satisfaction. The gentlemen of
the legislature then commenced their labors; the assem-
bly occupying the meeting-house, and the council sitting
in the chamber of Thaddeus Munson's inn.

Among; the citizens of Manchester who gathered to wit-
ness this military display, there was douhtless a sturdy
vetcrai) whose name is somewhat prominent in the early
history of the state, and whose few years* residence in our
town entitles him to mention here. This was Peleg Sun-
derland, a man whose adventurous life might serve for the
foundation of a romance. In his younger days he had
been a famous hunter and trapper, and had almost made
the wilderness his home. He had thus become familiar
witli the great forest of northern Vermont before the axe
of the earliest settler had disturbed it, He had nearly
perished of starvation in its desolate wilds, and had been
rescued by Indian hunters. He had shared with them the
life of the camp and the pleasures of the chase, and had
acquired a knowledge of their language and customs. In
the land title controversy which soon came on, his restless
energy found employment not less congenial to his tastes.
He soon became known in New York as a bold and active
defender of the New Hampshire Grants, and was one of
the eight against whom were aimed the terrors of the riot
act and executive proclamation. He was a member of the
extemporized tribunal which ordered a liberal application
of the beech seal in the case of Justice Hough, and secured
thereby the honor of an additional reward for his appre-
hension. His knowledge of the northern country and its
inhabitants was of service to the leading patriots in their
earliest preparations for the war of independence. When
John Brown of Pittsfield undertook a secret expedition to
Canada in behalf of the Boston committee of correspond-
ence, Sunderland went with him as interpreter and guide.
lie was sent among the Indians to ascertain their feelings
with regard to the coming conflict, and brought back as-

47

surances of their friendly disposition. After his return he
took part in the expedition against the fortresses on the
lake, and signed with Warner the dispatch to the autho-
rities of Connecticut announcing the capture of Crown
Point.

In 1791, Peleg Sunderland, Gideon Ormsby, Martin
Powel, Nathan Smith and George Sexton, were all living
in Manchester. They had served the state with fidelity
and zeal through many troublous years, and been honored
with the friendship and confidence of its leading men.
They were now enjoying the reward of their faithful ser-
vice, no longer threatened with the loss of lands or dis-
turbed by alarm of war. They may have sometimes met
together in those quiet days, and indulged in reminis-
cences of the trials and dangers through which they had
passed. The conversation of those five men in such an
hour must have been no mean review of the early history
of our state. Their several experiences embraced the early
conventions of the settlers; the various expeditions of the
Green Mountain Boys ; the first success of the revolution
at the gates of Tieonderoga ; the perilous campaigns in
Canada; the triumphant advance of Burgoyne ; the rule
of the council of safety ; the conflicts of Hubbardton, Ben-
nington and Saratoga, Some who had shared with them
the labors of that eventful period had not been permitted
to see the full realization of their hopes. The hold leaders
whom they had sat with in council and followed in
battle were no longer living. Warner had worn out his
stalwart frame in the service of Vermont, and returned to
his native state to die. Allen had recently been followed
to the grave by a large concourse of his old associates.
But the work they had commenced more than twenty years

48

before had been brought to a successful issue after their
departure, and Vermont was now a member of the Federal
Union — the peer of 2Jew York.

The leaders of the Green Mountain Boys have received
the honor which is their due. Their bones repose beneath
columns of granite, on which are inscribed the tributes of
a grateful people. Their statues have been set up in public
places, and eloquent voices have pronounced their eulo-
gies. As we have joined in the general homage it seems
never to have occurred to usthatthere were citizens of our
own town who served as faithfully and bravely as those of
higher rank, and who were at least entitled to remem-
brance in the place where theylivedand among their own
descendants. The meagre record yon have heard to-night
is nearly all that can now be' told of the most prominent;
of many others who served the town with equal merit
there is no vestige remaining'.

Nearly all who died in Manchester during the first twenty-
five years of its history sleep in unmarked graves. The first
burial ground in town embraced within its limits the
spnee until recently occupied by the school-house, the spot
on which the court house stands, and the street between
the court house and drug store. Most of the interments,
previous to 1701, were made in this ground. At the com-
mencement of the present century, it was entirely uncared
for, and run over without regard to its nature. In 1812,
many of the small rough headstones were still standing,
and the ground was uneven with the graves. When the
war fever was at its height the recruiting officers removed
the stones, and leveled the ground and converted it into a
parade. Women shed tears and old men shook their
heads, but the work of desecration went on, and under

49

the heavy tread of the volunteers the last indications of the
old burying-ground soon disappeared. In digging for
the foundations of the various buildings which have since
occupied the spot, the bones of more than one sleeper have
been disturbed by the spade of the workman. So many
years have elapsed since this burial ground became the
business centre of the village that a knowledge of what the
place once was has almost passed from the minds of men.
But if the fathers and mothers of the town were to rise
from their graves to-night, they would meet you as you
turn from the door of this hall, and look out upon you
from the court house windows, and stand upon the little
green where many of their descendants have raced and
shouted in childish sports, unconscious of the mouldering
forms beneath. It is impossible for us to rectify this
error of a former generation, but we can at least do some-
thing to preserve the memory of those whose graves have
been so rudely treated.

In 1781, the present county of Bennington was estab-
lished, and Manchester made a half-shire town. The
courts were held for several years in the meeting-house,
or in one of the village inns. The erection of the necessary
county buildings was delayed by various difficulties con-
cerning their location. The desire of the locating com-
mittee to place them within the present limits of Factory
Point was defeated by their inability to purchase a lot on
which to build them. Then the efforts of Martin Powel,
the owner of the Noble J. Purdy farm, nearly secured
their erection on the hill just east of that place. Finally,
the exertions of the citizens of the village, aided by the
influence of Gideon Ormsby, secured their location on the
1

50

public common, where they were erected in 1794-5. The
building is now that part of the Manchester hotel block
occupied by Nelson Perkins, including the press room of
the Journal office. The walls of the jail have been relaid,
but its foundation remains unchanged. Its bad reputation
as a place of security for criminals commenced at an early
date. A few months after its completion three noted
counterfeiters, branded in the forehead with the letter C,
and with the right ear cropped, made their escape through
its walls.

In 1784, the general assembly of Vermont passed an act
establishing regular posts and post-offices for the convey-
ance and distribution of letters and packets. Under this
arrangement there were only five offices in the state, and
Manchester was not among the favored communities. The
post-offiees nearest the town were at Bennington and Rut-
land. After the admission of Vermont into the union the
postal facilities of the state were somewhat improved. On
the first of June, 1792, a post-office was established at
Manchester, but this remained for some time the only one
between Bennington and Rutland. Abel Allis was our
first postmaster, and held the office until 1803, when lie
was succeeded by Joel Pratt.

In the last decade of the eighteenth century, the popu-
lation of Manchester was about fourteen hundred. Some
of the back districts of the town were more thickly settled
than now, but the village was still quite small. It was,
however, sufficiently advanced in the ways of civilization
to number among its institutions a tailoring establishment
and a hatter's shop. The best house in the village was
the Allis tavern. The dwellings generally were not dis-
tinguished for elegance or size. The little house which

51

stands opposite the residence of J. A. Munson was then
occupied by Truman Squires, a young lawyer of ability
and position, secretary to the governor and council, who
not only considered it large enough for a residence, but
found room in one corner for his law office. The waters
of the Battenkill were still filled with salmon trout; the
deer were not yet entirely driven from the neighboring
forests ; and packs of hungry wolves frequently entered
the settlement and made havoc among the farmer's stock.
In hours of leisure, the inhabitants amused themselves by
racing horses through the street, scouring the woods in
hunting parties, or playing at wicket on the village green.
The management of town affairs was still in the hands of
the earlier settlers. Young gentlemen of college educa-
tion and professional attainments had made their appear-
ance in town; but no learning of the schools or polish of
the outer man could draw away the affections or the votes
of the people from the sturdy men who had borne the
brunt of the battle with the Yorkers and the tories.
Gideon Ormsby and Martin Powel were still the leaders
of the town, and held their influence unbroken to the last.
Ormsby represented Manchester in the general assembly
seventeen years. Powel was town clerk twenty-one
years, representative seven years, and judge of probate
twelve years.

There was already numbered among the active citizens
of Manchester a man who lived to see the hundredth an-
niversary of the settlement of the town. Nearly the
youngest of my auditors have seen the bent form and
silvered head of Serenus Swift. Their recollection of that
aged man may serve to connect them more closely with
the men and events of the past century. He was born

52

I ((.'tore Ticonderoga was taken, and remembered the clos-
ing incidents of the revolution. His feet were familiar
with our street before the foundations of a single building,
now standing, were laid. He held office under the second
administration of George Washington, and was often as-
sociated in local affairs with Ormsby and Powel. He
was doubtless among the inhabitants of Manchester who,
on the last Saturday of May, 1793, gazed upon the hand-
some wagon which the mail carriers had put on the route
between Bennington and Rutland — the first public con-
veyance for the transportation of passengers which passed
through our valley. When he was entering upon man-
hood, town meetings were called at the meeting-house ;
the first interments in the new burying-ground south of
the village, had just been made ; George Sexton and
Robert Anderson were advertising a lottery in aid of the
road across the Green Mountains ; merchantable grain
was the common currency of the community; the inhabit-
ants were satisfied with a weekly mail each way; the
columns of the local paper were crowded with the dis-
patches of Bonaparte, general-in-chief of the army of Italy.
The young federal office-holder was probably not over
popular in town, for Manchester was largely republican,
and [tarty strife ran high. Political celebrations were
frequently indulged in, and were sometimes occasions of
considerable local interest. In 1795, the inhabitants of
Manchester, Sunderland and Dorset united in celebrating
the anniversary of the battle of Bennington. A battalion
of Col. Roberts's regiment of militia, consisting of the
companies from those towns, under command of Major
Martindale, Capt. Bradley's company of cavalry, and two
companies of light infantry under Capt. Tousley and Lieut.

53

Graves, took part in the celebration. After a time spent
in military movements, the militia and spectators formed
a hollow square on the green near the court house, and
listened to orations by Dr. Todd, of Arlington, and the
Rev. Chauncey Lee, of Sunderland. The report of a com-
mittee before appointed to take into consideration the
treaty of amity, commerce and navagation, was then read.
The committee expressed their abhorrence of the treaty
in the language of their fellow-citizens of South Carolina,
censured Senator Paine of Vermont for his favorable vote
in the severest terms, and expressed a hope that the father
of his country would prove his right to the appellation by
withholding his signature ! The report was signed in
behalf of the committee by John Shumway, chairman.
Fifteen toasts were then given out. "Renovated France"
and " Desolate Poland " received due attention. The
eighth toast, " Citizen Moses Robinson, senator of the
United States," will indicate how badly our ancestors were
afflicted with the prevailing political disease. We can
perhaps imagine what the members of the militia who
were so unfortunate as to be federalists thought of this
method of celebrating the battle of Bennington.

On the 16th of August, 1798, the citizens of Manchester
and vicinity gathered for a similar celebration. At four
o'clock they walked in procession from Pierce's tavern
(where Mrs. Hoyt now lives), to the Court House, and
listened to a spirited oration. The procession then formed
again and returned to the tavern, where the usual number
of toasts were drunk. The contemporary account of the
celebration would lead one to suppose that the closing
proceedings were distinguished only for quiet and dignified
enjoyment; but the late Judge Pettibone was a youthful

54

and curious observer of the ways and manners of his elders
on that occasion, and from some reminiscences which he
once gave me, I am inclined to think it was what would
be considered in these days rather a lively and boisterous
time.

Several familiar and honored names now appear in the
history of our town. As early as 1796, Robert Pierpont,
an uncle of the present chief justice of our supreme court,
became a resident of Manchester. He kept an inn where
the Rev. Dr. Wickham now lives, and was a prominent
and influential citizen. Dr. Ezra Isham came here from
Litchfield, Connecticut, about 1798, and soon became the
leading physician of this vicinity. Previous to 1812 he
lived a short distance south of the residence of Malcolm
Canfield, in a building recently demolished. The later dis-
coveries in medical science have not entirely done away
with his practice, for some of his prescriptions and maxims
are still current among the elderly people of the town.
In 1795, Joseph Burr, the founder of our seminary, was
trading in a building which stood about where William
B. Burton now lives. Before 1800 he removed to the lot
now occupied by the residence of E. J. Hawley, where lie
passed the remainder of his business life and accumulated
the greater part of his property. In 1800, Richard Skinner
moved into town, and soon became prominent as a lawyer
and citizen. His successful and honorable public career
belongs to a later period than that of which I speak.

The fourth of March, 1801, the day of the first inaugu-
ration of Thomas Jefferson, was celebrated in Manchester
by the raising of Thaddeus Munson's new inn, the building
which is now the north part of the Taconic House. Those
acquainted with the custom of the times can imagine what

55

a crowd of people and what a quantity of rum it took to
raise it. It was then considered the largest and finest
hotel in Vermont, and the day on which its massive tim-
bers were uplifted long held its place among the great
days of the town.

This building, comparatively modern as it is, has wit-
nessed scenes which we are accustomed to associate with our
earlier New England history. At the time of its erection,
the old Puritan methods of punishment were still in vogue,
although thoughtful men had long questioned their good
effect upon the public morals. The whipping-post stood
on the west side of the street, nearly in front of the
north side of the Equinox House. About 1803, oc-
curred an instance of punishment there, of which some
of the particulars have been preserved. The sentence was
thirty-nine lashes, and was partly executed by Gen. Robin-
son, the high sheriff, and partly by Ephriam Munson,
deputy sheriff. Sheriff Robinson struck his blows with
surprising regularity, and it was remarked among the
spectators that he must have had considerable practice.
His less experienced deputy was quite excited and made
bungling work of it, Three or four years later another
person was tied to that post for punishment — probably
the last occurrence of the kind ever witnessed in Man-
chester. There is at least one lady now living in the vil-
lage who, on that occasion, went out with childish eagerness
to see the whipping, and fled with cries of horror when
the lash first descended on the quivering flesh. The pil-
lory was located on the east side of the street, a little south
of the present court house. It was standing there during
the first decade of our century, and was still in use as an
instrument of punishment. On one occasion, a woman

56

stood for hours in this pillory, in the presence of a great
crowd. Within the memory of the late Judge Pettibone,
the sheriff cropped and branded a convict in front of the
Allis tavern. The victim was placed standing on the
horse-block, and his head tied to the sign-post. Then the
sheriff cut off the lower portion of his ears, and threw the
pieces under his feet. Meanwhile an assistant had been
leaning over a kettle of coals, blowing its contents into
life, and heating the iron 1 >rand. This the sheriff now took,
and branded the culprit on the forehead. That winter it
was a favorite amusement of the school boys to try some
of their number for imaginary offenses, and brand them
on the forehead with wooden letters, the imprint of which
would remain some time.

Before concluding this sketch, it will be necessary to
trace the early progress of a section of the town which
sifter the close of this period became the site of a large and
prosperous village. Soon after the settlement of Man-
chester, Timothy Mead became the owner of nearly all
the land on which Factory Point is situated. His house
was located where the Colburn House now stands. He
built a saw-mill on the water-power near by, and after-
wards a grist-mill ; and the locality became known as
" Mead's mills." His grist-mill was the first in town, and
was located a little below where the present grist-mill
stands. The saw-mill was a short distance above it, on
the same side of the stream. Sometime after this, Mr.
Mead erected a fulling-mill on the ground now occupied
by the factory buildings. He also built a store about
where Howe's block stands, and Joel Pratt traded there

57

before 1800. Mr. Mead's son Jacob, a blacksmith by
trade, lived near where Mrs. Cloney's house is situated.

Mr. Mead was decidedly averse to selling any oi his
land, and his policy in that particular greatly retarded the
development of the place. The committee for the loca-
tion of county buildings proposed to place the court house
and jail about where the present Baptist meeting-house
stands ; but Mr. Mead met their application for a build-
ing lot with an absolute refusal, and is said to have given
the committee his opinion of courts and lawyers in terms
more vigorous than polite. Soon after this, however, he
made his first and only exception, in favor of the Baptist
society — the religious organization with which he was
most in sympathy. With his permission and assistance
that society erected its first house of worship on his pre-
mises, close to his east line. In 1791, he conveyed to the
society the land on which it stood, and Isaac and Jeremiah
Whelpley, who owned the J. B. Hollister farm, and
Timothy Soper, the owner of the lot just north, conveyed
land adjoining the meeting-house lot for a burial place.
The site of the old meeting-house can readily be located on
the westerly side of the present cemetery grounds. The
road on which it stood was then the main highway ; the
street past the Episcopal church not being in existence
until long after.

Mr. Mead died in 1802. His real estate was divided among
his children, and soon passed into other hands. But the
early growth of the place was slow, and in 1812 it could
scarcely be called a village. The old grist-mill, and the
fulling-mill, were still in operation. The original saw-
mill had done its work, and been succeeded by another on
the opposite side of the stream, about where the west end

58

or the tannery stands. The store building was no longer
occupied as such, and had been used as a school room
while the first school-house of the district was being erected.
Where J. T. Beach's wagon shop is located stood a dis-
tillery, which was visited altogether too frequently by
many of our citizens. Adjoining it was the carding-mill
of Chester Clark. Benjamin Mattison, the owner of the
saw-mill and fulling-mill, lived in the Timothy Mead
house. James Borland, who run the grist-mill and leased
the distillery to other parties, lived in a house which stood
just east of the old store building. The dwelling-house
nearest the mills, on the road leading to the village, stood
on the top of the hill, south of the present residence of
Beacon Burritt. On the road towards Dorset, the first
dwelling was that of William Smith, where the Lester
house now stands. On the south-east corner of Andrus
Bowen's lot stood a blacksmith shop. A few rods east of
the residence of A. G. Clark, was a good sized house,
usually occupied by two families ; and a little further on
was a house of smaller size. The Jacob Mead house was
then occupied by David Brooks, who was about building
a tavern on the lot now owned by Mr. Adams. The next
building was the Baptist meeting-house — an edifice of
moderate size, divided in great scpiare pews, and embel-
lished with a sounding-board. The society was then in
charge of Elder Calvin Chamberlain, a revolutionary pen-
sioner, and a man of great influence among the Baptist
churches of the state. Just beyond the meeting-house, at
the north-cast corner of the burying-ground, stood the
district school-house. About on the spot where Joseph
Lugene, Jr., has recently erected a house, lived Peletiah
Soper, one of the old settlers. Near the site of the Dea-

59

con Ames house stood a small store, in which James
Whelpley traded, and just north of it was a dwelling.
Imagine these few scattered buildings, partially sur-
rounded by a dense forest at no great distance, and you
have the Factory Point of 1812.

But in 1812 a great public improvement was in progress
which indicated the growing importance of this locality
to the inhabitants of other sections of the town. This
was the construction of a road direct to Manchester vil-
lage from the point where the old road turned west to the
Noble J. Purdy place. It had long been considered im-
practicable to build a road across the swampy lands of
the glebe, and its construction marks a new era in the
improvement and prosperity of the town.

In 1812, Manchester village had about one-third as
many buildings as now. The most northerly house was
the Munson homestead, then occupied by the widow and
children of Ruths Munson. Where the Congregational
church lifts its tall spire, stood the first meeting-house,
unpainted, and without steeple or ornament. Its pulpit
was then occupied by Rev. Abel Farley, who lived just
south of the present residence of Chauncey Green. At
the south-west corner of the old burying-ground, was the
district school-house, and nearly in its rear stood a black-
smith shop. Anson Munson kept tavern in the lower
part of the court house building; and in the court room
in the upper story Rev. Mr. Brownson, an Episcopal
clergyman of Arlington, held services every other Sabbath.
Nathan Brownson, who had formerly been a merchant in
the place, lived a little south of the court house building.
Anson J. Sperry lived on the premises recently occupied
by L. C. Orvis, and had a law office just south of his resi-

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dence. Joshua Raymond kept tavern at the Allis stand;
and the old lodge room was occupied by the select school
of Miss Harris — an institution extensively patronized by
the young ladies of Manchester and vicinity. Samuel
Raymond traded in a store which stood where Mrs. Law-
rence now lives, and Joel Rose lived on the premises
occupied by the residence of Deacon Black. Mrs. Woods'
place was then occupied by Elijah Hollister and his son
Marinus, who drove the stages between Bennington and
Rutland. The S. A. Millett place was owned by Archi-
bald Pritchard, and about where E. D. Cook lives was a
small house, occupied by Phineas Peabody. Capt.
Samuel Walker lived in the little house which is still
standing opposite J. A. Munson's; and Dr. Elijah Little-
field had recently built, and taken possession of, the house
now occupied by George Stone. Deacon Asa Loveland
lived where Noah P. Perkins now does, and the Hoyt
place was then the tavern stand of Israel Roach. Serenus
Swift lived and had an office at the Elm House place, and
just north of it was the law office of Cyrus A. Lockwood.
Joseph Wells was then trading at the Burr stand, but Mr.
Burr retained an office in the building for his general
business. John C. Walker, a young lawyer, occupied the
E. B. Burton place, and had an office on the north side of
his lot. Calvin Sheldon lived in the house now owned
by Rev. James Anderson, and his law office is still stand-
ing south of that building. Capt. Peter Black kept an
inn where Rev. Dr. Wickham resides, and also traded in
a store which stood on the south side of his lot. Where
Major Hawley now lives, was the residence and law office
of Richard Skinner, among whose students at that time
were Leonard Sargeant and Robert Pierpont. Nathan

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Burton, who had been appointed postmaster in 1808,
lived where Mr. Miner does, and kept the post-office in a
little building on the north side of the lot. Joel Pratt,
the county clerk, lived on the premises now occupied by
Mr. Cone, and had an office adjoining his house on the
north. The old Marsh tavern was still standing, tenant-
less, and soon to be demolished. Thaddeus Munson
lived in the new tavern by its side, but kept it open only
in court time. Ephraim Munson lived on the premises
now occupied by Mr. Shattuck. This was the extent of
Manchester village in 1812.

In the year 1812, war was declared against England ;
the northern frontier was again threatened ; and another
generation of our citizens rallied for its defense. For two
years the drum of the recruiting officer sounded in our
street, and successive squads of volunteers and militia
went through their maneuvres on the green. Abram C.
Fowler, the village school-master, exchanged the ferule
for the musket, and won a commission in the regular
army by his bravery at the battle of Plattsburg. John
C. Walker left his law office, and James Whelpley his
store. John S. Pettibone, Joseph Burton, Leonard Sar-
geant, and Benjamin Munson, were among the younger
recruits. Of the thirty-four citizens of Manchester who
served in that war, the two last named are still with us.
Two of their associates have mouldered under the sod of
the battle-field now sixty years and over. Daniel Olds, a
grandson of Gideon Ormsby, was killed in a skirmish at
Chateaugay. John Harris, a private in the regulars, fell
in the desperate night-battle at Lundy's Lane.

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I have now sketched the history of Manchester down to
a time when the names of men still living appear upon
her roll of honor. I doubt not there are some of my
hearers to whom the later delineations of this evening
have seemed but the feeblest hint of familiar things.
There are doubtless those present who can see the little
village of 1812 with clearer vision than they can the state-
lier village of to-day. It is not impossible for them to
people the town again with the men and women who then
filled its borders with bustling life. From this time on,
their memory will supply a fuller history than I have been
able to give of the earlier days.

1 have spoken of the first half-century of our history —
a period worthy a more extended and minute recital. But,
incomplete as my presentation of the subject has necessarily
been, I trust it has proved sufficient to satisfy you that, in
proper hands and with suitable preparation, it would be a
theme of uncommon interest. In tracing the early pro-
gress of the town, I have dwelt with some particularity
upon its relation to revolutionary history — as seemed
meet in these centennial times. While listening to the
fragmentary accounts of that period, it must have occurred
to you that the citizens of Manchester have been exceed-
ingly remiss in preserving the names and exploits of those
whom every sentiment of justice, patriotism and local pride,
should have led them to hold in perpetual honor. Let us,
to whom has fallen the hundredth anniversary of their
valiant deeds, do what we can to supply the deficiency
before it is quite too late. Perhaps, in doing tardy justice
to the heroes of our first war, we may establish a local
sentiment which will renew its strength with each suc-
ceeding generation, and long suffice to secure the grateful

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remembrance in after times of those who do good service
for the town.

Already the landmarks of that era are fading in the
distance. The voices of the fathers come faintly to our
listening ears. Time has carried us almost beyond sight
and sound of the primitive days. And yet, this period
which to most of us seems so remote, is scarcely beyond
the infancy of some who still hold their places in the ranks
of the living. But the life of the most favored individual
is brief when compared with the probable duration of the
community of which he is a part. We who now compose
the corporate body will soon pass away, but the munici-
pality may fulfill her thousand years. In that distant
future, the space which separates us from the days of set-
tlement will seem as nothing, and we who now commemo-
rate the early history of the town will ourselves be reck-
oned among its early inhabitants. Our individual names
may fail to reach our successors of that day ; but let us
hope that our united efforts may secure for the time in
which we live the reputation of an age of public spirit and
gentle manners as long as the town shall endure.